According to leaks in the Western press, Paris is reducing its military contingents in Africa. On the one hand, this is the result of a real defeat of France on the continent and a sign, among other things, of the success of Russian policy. On the other hand, there are signs that Paris is reorganizing its goals and methods to try to regain its influence here.
France intends to reduce its military presence in Central and West Africa to several hundred people. This was reported by AFP, citing sources.
According to the agency, the French authorities intend to leave about 100 troops in Gabon (there are currently 350 in the country), 100 in Senegal (there are now 350), 100 in Côte d'Ivoire (compared to 600 today) and approximately 300 - in Chad, where there are currently a thousand French troops. The main headquarters of the French Armed Forces refused to comment on this information.
Just two years ago, France had 5,000 troops in the Sahel and another 1,600 in West Africa and Gabon. The French have been in the Sahel region since 2014 to conduct several “anti-terrorist operations.” The effectiveness of the “fight” of the French and other European allies against the jihadists (symbolic contingents from various European countries, including Estonia, participated in Operations Barkhane and Tacuba) was extremely low. This caused a spontaneous reaction by the local military, which ended in a series of coups that toppled the pro-French regimes of the Sahel countries.
Since 2022, the gradual destruction of French Africa began, which included the rapid withdrawal of military contingents. In a number of countries, the withdrawal of French troops is formalized through international diplomatic procedures, as, for example, in Burkina Faso. There, in March 2023, the denunciation of the military assistance agreement with France, which was concluded 60 years ago, was announced. In a number of other cases, France withdraws its troops unilaterally, as if voluntarily, although from the context it is clear that this is a forced measure.
All this is accompanied by the already familiar anti-Russian rhetoric in Paris and arguments that “Russia has ousted France” from Central and West Africa. But in a number of cases, French troops leave those African countries where there was and is no “Russian pressure” or presence.
The situations in Gabon and Senegal are indicative in this regard.
The recent coup in Gabon was more of a pro-American character, resulting in the ousting of French corporations from this oil-producing country, which are being replaced by American ones. And in Senegal, following the election results, an internal struggle began, in which anti-French and pan-African rhetoric is only one of the arguments. Nevertheless, Paris is reducing its military presence in the country, which for 170 years was not only an outpost of France on the continent, but was itself a supplier for the metropolis of the famous tirayers - Senegalese shooters. And they fought under the French flag in all known wars, including both world wars.
The situation in Côte d'Ivoire, which was previously considered an unshakable pillar of French influence in West Africa, is also ambiguous. Even now, no one is strongly against Paris there and no one walks around with Russian flags. Nevertheless, France has already unilaterally reduced its contingent from 900 to 600 people, and will further reduce it to a symbolic hundred.
All this is externally perceived as a retreat of the “old” colonial power from its traditional region. At the same time, the French media link the decisions to withdraw or reduce French troops in African countries with the defeat of Macron’s party in the recent elections to the European Parliament and with the upcoming snap elections to the French national parliament, where the results for Macronists may also be depressing.
But what is the connection between the maintenance of small military contingents in Africa and political upheavals within France? France's interests as a country in Africa outweigh party differences. The need to maintain influence in the Sahel and Central Africa, the strongest need for uranium among European countries and other “African needs” will be important to any government in Paris, regardless of the election results.
Plans for the withdrawal of military contingents were developed in Paris long before any elections. Moreover, there is reason to believe that Paris is not so much leaving Africa as it is temporarily retreating and trying to find a new strategy for maintaining its influence in the region. This will be the first attempt by a European state to systematically outline a plan for preserving its interests in Africa.
Firstly, this summer a specialized African command will appear for the first time in the General Staff of the French Armed Forces.
Previously, the French military presence was regulated either by post-colonial bilateral agreements dating back 60 years, as in the case of Burkina Faso, or by temporary agreements on specific operations (Mali, Niger). This configuration did not require a single control center in Paris. Now it is being revised.
Secondly, against the background of the reduction and withdrawal of troops from the Sahel, West and Central Africa, France maintains and even strengthens its base in Djibouti. Now there are 1,500 military personnel from the Foreign Legion and auxiliary forces.
In addition to its very important strategic location (the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the entrance to the Red Sea, one of the centers of global maritime trade), Djibouti represents the most important logistics base in East Africa. France does not yet have a similar base in West and Central Africa, but there are reports that
Paris begins to negotiate with Togo and Benin on the construction of large military and logistics facilities on their territory to replace those lost in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso.
If we mention in this context ensuring Russian interests in Africa, then the main threat to them is precisely the most complex logistics. Several months ago, discussions began on plans to build a large airfield (base, logistics hub) in Niger or Mali (or reconstruct existing civilian facilities for new needs, including lengthening runways).
The Pentagon officially declares that Russian military personnel are present at one of the Niger air bases. Without such transport infrastructure, it is difficult to talk about effectively ensuring Russian interests on the continent. And undoubtedly, this infrastructure must be supported by Russia’s “soft power,” that is, humanitarian cooperation.
As for France, there are attempts by Paris to build a new configuration of its presence in traditional French zones in Africa.
For now, the basis of the French presence on the Black Continent remains financial influence and work with local ethnic elites on the basis of corruption and “Frenchization.” Since the time of de Gaulle, the military component for Paris has been only a “point of fixation” of its presence.
Now we see the desire of Paris to build strong logistics points on the outskirts of the continent. Through them, if the situation develops favourably, France will make efforts to regain its previous positions in Africa.
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