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    China Arms Exports

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    sepheronx
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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  sepheronx on Thu Jul 16, 2015 4:22 pm

    max steel wrote: China weapons of mass consumption

    Cant read it. Demanding for me to subscribe.

    Pinto
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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  Pinto on Thu Jul 16, 2015 6:23 pm

    sepheronx wrote:
    max steel wrote: China weapons of mass consumption

    Cant read it. Demanding for me to subscribe.

    Below are the contents of this link :

    China’s Weapons of Mass Consumption

    What will happen when Beijing floods the world with cheap aircraft and warships?



    In August 2014, China’s state-owned Hudong-Zhonghua Shipbuilding Co. launched a new frigate, a small warship often used for submarine warfare or coastal defense, into Shanghai’s Huangpu River. As the frigate slid into the water, a casual passerby might have assumed that it was simply another ship in the Chinese Navy’s rapidly growing fleet. Yet its intended recipient was not China’s navy, but Algeria’s — the first of three that Algeria had ordered from China at a Malaysian arms expo in 2012.

    China has long been one of the world’s leading suppliers of small arms, but its sale of the frigates was not an anomaly. As the independent Stockholm International Peace Research Institute reported in mid-March, China is now the world’s third-largest arms exporter, having overtaken France and Germany, and trailing behind Russia and the United States. In 2010 to 2014, not only was China’s share of global arms sales nearly double that of the previous five-year period — 5 percent as against 3 percent in 2005 to 2009 — but its exports of major weapons platforms rose by 143 percent compared to the previous half-decade.

    Over the next decade, advanced weapons platforms — once the purview of Western and Russian defense industries — will flood the arms market as China, and to a lesser degree India, become global suppliers. Developing countries that once could only afford secondhand Cold War-era weapons will soon be able to acquire everything from modern fighter aircraft and warships to precision-guided munitions, all without breaking the bank. And not unlike with consumer electronics, the quality of these platforms will increase over time, even as their prices fall.

    Driving this change is the growth of the defense industries in not just China but also India, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi has prioritized reforming the defense sector to minimize reliance on foreign suppliers as well as to encourage exports. Initially unable to produce advanced weaponry on their own, yet aware of the risk of relying upon foreign suppliers, these countries have aimed to gradually attain self-sufficiency in defense procurement.

    As a first step, they have been acquiring a wide variation of the same type of weapons over the past few decades. For example, among fighter aircraft, China acquired at least seven different types, while India acquired six different types. Although cost-inefficient and operationally challenging, such sampling allowed China and India to test and evaluate the technologies most appropriate to their operational needs.

    They then poured considerable resources into reproducing these technologies by absorbing key foreign weapons technologies while investing heavily in indigenous weapons research and development programs. The result was the ability to produce technologies that, while perhaps not cutting-edge, were considerably more advanced than what they could have produced just a few years earlier. This strategy has enabled the Indian Navy to purchase heavily from domestic manufacturers. And the PLA Air Force now operates hundreds of indigenously developed J-10 fighter aircraft and is in the midst of testing prototypes of the J-20 and J-31 stealth fighters. If they are successful, China will join the United States as the only other country in the world with such capabilities.

    Chinese weapons systems are often much cheaper than those of competing exporters. And while they’re not better than Russian or U.S. alternatives, they are often good enough.Chinese weapons systems are often much cheaper than those of competing exporters. And while they’re not better than Russian or U.S. alternatives, they are often good enough. For example, in September 2013, Turkey surprised many observers by selecting the Chinese air and missile defense system over U.S., Russian, and Italian-French offerings. Although the Chinese system is less reliable than both the U.S. and Russian systems — and incompatible with other NATO systems — the price was right: At $3.4 billion, it was almost certainly priced considerably lower than its Russian and U.S. counterparts.

    Since 2011, China has also sold the Wing Loong, an armed drone, to several countries in Africa and the Middle East, including Nigeria, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates. At an estimated $1 million per unit, it provides capabilities similar to that of the U.S. Predator drone at less than a quarter of the cost. As Marwan Lahoud, then the head of marketing and strategy at the European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company, told the New York Times, “China will be competing with us in many, many domains, and in the high end.”

    To be sure, China and India remain two of the world’s largest arms importers, accounting for 5 and 15 percent, respectively, of the global arms trade from 2010 to 2014. Neither country’s defense industry is capable of meeting all of the needs of its military, so for the foreseeable future, they will remain dependent on Russia and the West, especially with regard to complex platforms and technologies, such as anti-submarine warfare aircraft and jet engines. But their exports are part of a worrying trend.

    What are the implications of the growing availability of modern weapons platforms? They will almost certainly disrupt the global arms market by providing cost-effective solutions for countries that do not need expensive, cutting-edge weapons. This will lead to a drop in orders for U.S., Western European, and Russian arms, as even more countries purchase more affordable Chinese and Indian alternatives.

    The proliferation of these largely offensive weapons will also have a destabilizing effect on many regions where rivalries run deep. As countries equip their militaries with far more capable weapons, their neighbors may feel threatened and respond in kind, resulting in a ratcheting-up of tensions. This happened during the Cold War, when massive infusions of arms by the superpowers exacerbated existing disputes in the Third World. The Soviet Union’s arms sales to Egypt and Syria, for instance, fed Arab aggression and intensified the Arab-Israeli dispute.

    The era in which the U.S. military has largely had uncontested freedom of action throughout the international commons is also ending. These weapons will enable even countries with limited defense budgets to acquire “anti-access/area denial” capabilities and make it more difficult for the United States to intervene militarily without suffering significant casualties.

    U.S. and European policymakers must therefore be cautious in their decisions regarding arms sales, particularly to rising powers. Such lucrative deals are undeniably attractive, especially when defense manufacturers are scrounging for orders amid fiscal austerity in Western countries. However, these sales may eventually lead not only to the rise of competing defense industries, but also to greater instability worldwide
    .

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  GarryB on Fri Jul 17, 2015 10:20 am

    The problem is that arms exports are measured in dollars... if France were to sell one Rafale jet aircraft for $200 million dollars and Russia was to sell  twenty Yak-130s for $170 million does that mean Frances is a "bigger" arms exporter than Russia when they are selling one over priced aircraft and Russia is selling twenty light jet trainers?

    Comparing the US and Russia, again the first and second exporters of arms... if you add up the different types are their positions so clear?

    I mean the US can sell 10 C-17s at 500 million each to Australia and India for 5 billion dollars in sales, while Russia might sell 20 An-124s to India for 100 million each... US sales are 5 billion and Russias sales are 2 billion but who is the real biggest exporter?

    In fact the situation is actually rather worse than that... with the terms and conditions the US imposes on its clients the US sales are more like lending agreements with a range of restrictions... something New Zealand found out when we decided to sell our ancient Skyhawks and found that we had to get US government approval just to sell OUR Skyhawks...!!!


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    China trying to outperform Russia on weapons exports

    Post  Pinto on Mon Jul 20, 2015 9:30 pm

    Recently a photograph of three Chinese-made CAIC Z-10 attack helicopters delivered to Pakistan has been circulating online, according to Sina's military news website.

    This has led to comparisons between Chinese and Russian weapons systems online. In certain traditional fields, the Russian defense industry has a clear advantage, according to the website. Its Soviet legacy and its efforts in research and development put Russia at the forefront of the international weapons market, the article said. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute ranking, Russia is the second biggest weapons exporter, as it exports weapons to 56 countries. Its weapon exports to India, China and Algeria make up 60% of the country's total weapon exports.

    China is a relative newcomer to the global weapons market, but it is now the third biggest defense exporter. The weapons it exports include the CAC/PAC JF-17 Thunder fighter, the PLZ-45 155 mm self-propelled howitzer and the C series of anti-ship missiles. The reason for the rapid growth in its weapons exports is China's rapid economic rise, which has fueled the modernization of the armed forces, according to the website. This has allowed certain Chinese weapon systems to be able to compete with Russian weapons in the international market.

    One of the clearest examples of this is Pakistan's purchase of Z-10 attack helicopters from China. China has already handed over three of the helicopters to Pakistan, according to US-based military affairs news site Strategy Page. The three helicopters have been provided to Pakistan in advance, to allow them to trial the helicopter. Pakistan will buy 17 Z-10 helicopters and before the end of the year, Pakistan will receive another two. Providing weapon systems at so early a stage in a deal is almost unheard of in the weapons trade and shows that China is keen to compete with Russia for customers. Pakistan is the first country to buy the helicopter from China.

    The Pakistani media has speculated that the country also wishes to purchase Chinese Jin-class Type 094 nuclear powered ballistic missile submarines.

    Pakistan has extended an olive branch to Russia after the Chinese helicopter purchase, however, as a report in IHS Jane's Defence Weekly from Oct. 26, 2014 stated that Russia and Pakistan have signed a contract to enhance cooperation on military purchases. Under the terms of the agreement, Russia will provide Pakistan with 20 Mi-35 attack helicopters. The two countries may also reach deals on the Pantsyr-S1 short to medium range surface-to-air missile and anti-aircraft artillery weapon system, the Mi-28E all weather attack helicopter and the 9K37 Buk Grizzly missile system.

    Pakistan plans to use helicopters purchased from China and Russia at the same time.

    Several weapons systems currently in service with the Pakistan Armed Forces were developed jointly by both China and Pakistan, including the CAC/PAC JF-17 Thunder fighter, main battle tanks, F-22P Zulfiquar-class frigates, and Azmat-class fast attack crafts. Contracts for several others are set to be signed soon, including a deal for an upgrade to the F-22P, a deal for eight of the export version of China's Type 039A Yuan-class diesel-electric submarine, and another on China's Type 022 missile boat.

    Russia, for its part, appears to be attempting to move in on China's traditional clientele, including Thailand, Myanmar and Pakistan. This has coincided with certain issues over weapons deals between Russia and China. One in particular concerns the Zubr-class air-cushioned landing craft (LCAC). China originally signed a deal with Ukraine for two of the landing craft, while two others were set to be built within China. After Russia annexed Crimea, however, there was some confusion as to whether the deal would go ahead and if it would be filled by Ukraine or by Russia. The issue was just resolved recently, when Russia agreed to take over the contract.

    Production on the JF-17 Thunder Block 2 began at the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex in Kamra in September 2013 and three aircraft have already come off the production line. The first Block 2 aircraft completed its maiden flight on Feb. 9. The Pakistan Air Force plans to buy 50 of the upgraded fighters. The biggest difference between Block 1 and Block 2 fighters is that the latter is equipped with a mid-air refueling system. This has boosted the export potential of the JF-17. The avionics of the Block 2 fighters have also been improved, which allows it to work more efficiently with the KLJ-7 X band airborne fire-control radar.

    http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20150626000058&cid=1101

    zepia
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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  zepia on Tue Aug 11, 2015 8:09 am

    Interesting article from RBTH.

    I think the Pakistan case in article wasn't very good example.
    Russia didn't expect to sale big amount of advance weapons to Pakistan anyway since doing that may impact their relationship with India, which is their biggest client.

    Rise of the clones: Chinese knockoffs undercut Russian arms exports
    August 11, 2015 Rakesh Krishnan Simha, special to RBTH

    Moscow is taking a calculated gamble that the strategic benefits of exporting weapons to Beijing will outweigh the risk of Chinese copying.

    - http://asia.rbth.com/blogs/2015/08/11/rise_of_the_clones_chinese_knockoffs_undercut_russian_arms_exports_48345.html

    Defence exports to China provide Russia with a bunch of strategic benefits.
    Besides bringing in bucket loads of quick cash, Russian weapons generate
    a strategic spinoff by counterbalancing US military power in Asia.
    Beijing’s insatiable appetite for advanced weaponry keeps the Russian defence industry ticking along nicely
    and forces the Americans to divert substantial offensive and defensive resources to check China.
    This reduces pressure on Russia’s European flanks.


    However, Russian arms exports to China come with a major downside.
    The Chinese often buy limited quantities or ‘samples’, take them apart, and then reverse engineer the weapons.
    These knock-offs are then peddled cheap as chips overseas, undercutting Russian exports.
    As the Chinese defence industry grows in sophistication, Moscow sees its market share under threat.

    In the arms trade, everyone is a copycat.
    The Russians reverse engineered the B-29 bomber and produced the Tu-4, which was hard to tell apart from the American original.
    The Germans copied the sloping armour of Russia’s T-34, the finest tank of WWII.
    Early American missiles were copies of Germany’s V-2 rockets that had flattened London.

    But the Chinese have taken reverse engineering to a different level.
    They have copied the German Maglev train and are now offering it to India.
    Their hackers stole the blueprints of France’s TGV.
    Chinese J-20 and J-30 stealth fighters are based on technology purloined from American companies that developed the F-35 and F-22.
    Virtually every missile, tank, artillery system and gun used by the Chinese military is a knockoff of a Russian original.

    Take the legendary AK-47 assault rifle.
    During the bonhomie of the 1950s, the Russians allowed the Chinese to build a local version,
    but after the licensing agreement ended, Beijing – like Hungary, Slovakia and the US among others – started producing illegal AKs.
    While the original Russian rifle can cost up to $1500 on the US market, a Chinese version can be bought for $400.


    Fake Flankers

    Cheap Kalashnikov knockoffs were, however, the least of Moscow’s worries.
    For, the Chinese had graduated to clone the crown jewels of Russia’s defence export sector such as the Su-27 Flanker fighter bomber,
    the aircraft carrier-based Su-33 jet, S-300 air defence system, and the popular Smerch anti-aircraft system.
    Interestingly, Russia hadn’t exported the Su-33 or the Smerch to China;
    Beijing had acquired them on the sly from third parties such as perennially troublesome Ukraine.


    The Chinese, on the other hand, deny they copy foreign technology.
    Whether it is the Maglev, TGV or Flankers, they claim to have made considerable improvements to the original basic design and hardware.

    China's spokesman of the Ministry of National Defense, Geng Yansheng, responded to these allegations in November of 2012, saying,
    “The world’s military affairs have an objective law of development.
    Many weapons have the same design principle and some command and protection methods are also similar.
    Therefore, it is non-professional to conclude that China copied the aircraft carrier technology of other countries only by simply comparison.”

    But experts disagree. There is no doubt the J11B and J15 fighters are clones of the Su-27 and Su-33 respectively.
    According to Flight Global, the Chinese do not understand – or care about – the concept of intellectual property.
    “All the Chinese have done is performed what amounts to a mid-life update to the reverse engineered Su-33 design,
    but the airframe, at its core, remains a Flanker.
    Simply upgrading a design after stealing the intellectual property does not make an original design,” it says.


    Implications for Russia

    After reverse engineering for decades, China is now in a position to encroach upon Russia's traditional export markets.
    And like Russia, which sweetens big-ticket defence deal with soft loans,
    China can use its massive stockpile of export earnings to offer even better terms to cash-poor nations such as Pakistan.

    “The result is not only decreasing sales from Russia to China,
    but Russia also loses sales to other countries that are now buying Chinese produced weapons,”
    say Nikolas Gvosdev and Christopher Marsh in Russian Foreign Policy: Interests, Vectors and Sectors.
    “This leaves Russia bitter not only about China's illegal copying of Russia's military technology
    but also over the loss of sales of those weapons to third countries.
    Russia is faced with a dilemma: It can sit back and take the hit,
    or it can sell even more advanced weaponry to the Chinese to make up for the sales shortfall
    (and risk that they will copy those designs too and then export them).”

    In fact, the Chinese are beginning to sound increasingly confident – or brazen.
    In May, China’s state-owned Norinco, which makes the VT-4 tank,
    took aim at the T-14 Armata, the new Russian tank described as revolutionary by arms experts worldwide.
    Posting on Norinco’s official social media account, the Chinese company wrote:
    “The T-14’s transmission is not well-developed,
    as we saw through a malfunction taking place during a rehearsal before the May 9 parade.
    The VT-4 has never encountered such problems so far.
    Our tanks also have world-class fire-control systems, which the Russians are still trying to catch up with.”


    Russia needs to export

    The former Soviet Union’s defence industry was of such a gargantuan scale that Russia simply could not sustain all of it.
    Even today’s much reduced Russian defence sector – albeit larger than the combined defence industries of China and India – cannot survive for long without export orders.

    “Russia needs to sell weapons to keep its military employees working (to help generate high-tech manufacturing employment)
    to generate revenue to use in defence R&D, and to generate seed funds for its next generation of military technology.
    So Russia must sell its weapons, and China is the biggest potential market out there,” Gvosdev and Marsh explain.

    There’s nothing with such a policy.
    Following the demise of the Soviet Union it was the new Chinese market that proved to be a lifeline.
    In 1993, Russian defence industries were operating at just 10 per cent of their capacity,
    says Andrew T.H. Tan in The Global Arms Trade: A Handbook. “Half the defence firms were close due to bankruptcy,” Tan says.

    International orders were not being fulfilled – because of the disruption of the supply chain that ran through the various ethnic republics – or had dried up.
    The Chinese monetary transfusion was essential for these industries to survive and revive.
    Tan points out that during that decade China alone provided half of all sales income for the Russian defence sector.
    Therefore, arms sales to China cannot be said to be suicidal for Russia.

    Also, with India – once almost completely dependent on Russian weapons – now buying multi-billion dollar platforms
    from American defence majors – as a way to improve strategic ties with the US – Moscow is making every sale count.


    Building trust

    According to Tan, since 2002 both Russia and China have tried to overcome the trust deficit
    in order to move their arms business to a new stage of development.
    “One major bilateral initiative is to sign an intellectual property agreement as part of a regulatory regime
    to safeguard Russia's interests and narrow the grey areas in technological transfers.

    “For instance, when China acquired the production licence to assemble Su-27s,
    it was not clarified whether the aircraft engines that China would produce under the agreement could be used for other Chinese aircraft,
    still less, for Chinese export of its aircraft with the engines produced under the licence.
    This has been a persistent dispute in the Sino-Russian arms trade.

    “In December 2008 the two countries finally signed an intellectual property rights agreement
    that imposes restrictions on Beijing's export of arms originating from Russian models, but does not prevent China from producing them for its own use.
    This agreement has lessened Russia's concerns that potentially China may copy Russian weapons without prior Russian consent
    and Chinese military hardware may flood the global marketplace, eroding Russia's hard won market share.”


    The agreement – along with President Vladimir Putin's executive decision – has cleared a major obstacle
    to further military cooperation between the two countries.
    The Russian side was initially reluctant to sell the latest S-400 air defence systems and the Su-35 multirole fighters.
    Beijing apparently was interested in the Su-35’s AL-41 engines, which have a life of 4000 hours
    compared with the 1500 hours of the AL-31 engines on the Su-27 and Su-30.

    However, the complexity of advanced Russian aircraft engines has proved to be the biggest constraint on Beijing’s copycat industry.
    This – along with the inking of stronger intellectual property protection agreements – has reassured Moscow
    about proceeding with the sale of advanced weaponry.


    Sukhoi’s deputy director Sergey Sergeyev summed it up:
    "It’s one thing to make a good quality copy of a spoon, but quite another to make one of an aircraft.”

    In 2013, Putin cleared the sale of the S-400 and the Su-35.
    These platforms will provide China with the means to take on the American stealth fighters, the F-22 and F-35,
    until its own stealth jets come online in the next decade.

    Also, facing western economic sanctions, Russia is looking towards China for military micro-electronics
    and other cutting-edge technologies in which Moscow lags.


    China’s Russia syndrome

    While there will always be an element of risk in exporting weapons to China, there is another key advantage that accrues to Moscow.

    According to Tan,
    “Russia’s influence on China through arms sales is not limited to its control over supply of important parts and hardware.
    Every year, the PLA sends up to 800 officers to Russia to study military science and learn how to operate the Russian arms it has bought.
    It is logical to assume that some of the PLA trainees would develop pro-Russia sentiments
    or a favourable view of the Russian model of military transformation vis-a-vis the West.
    This may have fostered a kind of personal affinity of PLA commanders who once studied in Russia.
    Generals Liu Huaquing and Cao Gangchun (Defence Minister 2002-07),
    who studied in Russia were strong advocates of importing more Russian arms.
    Moreover, education experience in Russia has become a useful credential for promotion.”

    Arms trade provides the foundation of Russia-China ties in the 21st century. Both countries need each other.
    China is still at least two decades behind the West in weapons technology and it can catch up only with Russian assistance.
    Russia has got its back covered by China, which is now its go-to partner for cash, markets and diplomatic comfort.
    So expect military sales and ties to continue, but with Moscow keeping a close eye on China’s copycats.

    George1
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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  George1 on Tue Aug 18, 2015 3:53 am

    In 2015, China has exported 9 training and combat aircraft K-8


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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  Militarov on Thu Sep 03, 2015 9:07 am

    "China and Iran are mulling a $1 billion deal that would see China trade 24 Chengdu J-10 fourth-generation fighter jets in exchange for control of Iran’s biggest oil field for two decades, a report in the Taiwanese newspaper Want Daily said Thursday. The oil field in question is the 350 square-mile Azadegan field, which produces around 40,000 barrels of light and heavy crude per day. It’s currently operated by the National Iranian Oil Company and is thought to be the largest oil discovery in the country in 30 years. Ironically, the fourth-generation multirole fighter jet that Beijing will offer in exchange for the oil field is based on blueprints of Israel’s Lavi fighter jet that it sold to China in the 1980s. Israel now faces the prospect of its greatest rival having similar hardware. The Chengdu jet is designed to conduct ground assaults and electronic warfare. The average unit cost is about $30 million, but Iran’s deal comes with training, decades of maintenance, upgrades and access to spare parts."

    We shall see...


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    Harbin Z19 and Z19E

    Post  Militarov on Tue Sep 08, 2015 7:06 pm

    "China unveiled an export version of its light Z-19 assault chopper several days before the start of the 2015 China International Helicopter Exposition.  The helicopter can provide offensive air support and destroy the armored vehicles of any potential enemy with its “air-to-surface” armament including anti-tank missiles, a 23mm cannon and other weapons. It also has gun pods and can carry air-to-air missiles, and its tandem-seated cockpit is armored. The aircraft can carry out reconnaissance missions as well. In contrast with its basic version, the new chopper features modernized systems protecting it from the enemy’s air defense, and it sports new avionics. Furthermore, its maker Harbin Aircraft Manufacturing Corporation (HAMC) announced that the Z-19E received a stealth technology that decreases the helicopter’s observability to foes." Source: sputniknews.com

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  Militarov on Tue Oct 06, 2015 2:12 am

    "The Ghana Air Force has taken delivery of four Z-9EH utility helicopters from China, and will use them to secure the West African country's oil and gas industry.

    The aircraft were commissioned by President John Dramani Mahama on 23 September at Burma Camp in Accra in a ceremony attended by 300 people including representatives from the armed forces and oil and gas industry. Mahama said the aircraft manufactured by Harbin in China would be used to police the Ghana Gas project as well as other oil infrastructure. He said the delivery of the helicopters was historic as it is the first collaboration between the Ghana National Gas Company and Ghana Air Force, which will operate and maintain them, CitiFM reports.  Mahama said the aircraft would also be used to secure offshore oil installations, enhance maritime security and anti-piracy, conduct medical evacuations as well as search and rescue.  The Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana National Gas Company, Dr George Sipa Yankey said he was delighted that his installations are now fully monitored and protected. Mahama last month commissioned the Atuabo Gas Processing Plant of the Ghana Gas Company.


    The procurement of the helicopters was financed through a China Development Bank loan. The procurement also includes the spare parts and facilities for the aircraft and their maintenance, as well as personnel training. China had exported more than 60 Z-9 helicopters to several countries across the world, and the four Ghana bought were of "the most sophisticated model", China's ambassador to Ghana, Sun Baohong revealed at the ceremony, according to Xinhua. Ghana has been upgrading its military aircraft in recent times and in June Embraer secured a contract for the sale of five A-29 Super Tucano light attack and advanced training turboprops to Ghana. At the time the company said the contract would come into effect once certain conditions have been fulfilled. These conditions are expected to be fulfilled during the second half of 2015.

    At the beginning of this year Mahama confirmed the acquisition of the four Z-9s and five Super Tucanos. The acquisitions were first announced in November last year but no quantities were mentioned. At the time, Mahama said the Ghana Air Force would acquire Super Tucanos, Z-9s, additional Mi-17 helicopters and a single C-295 transport aircraft. The aircraft would be used for training, peace support and combat operations. Future acquisitions mentioned by the Ghana Air Force include a single Embraer executive jet, four Mi-35 attack helicopters and a C-27J Spartan transport aircraft to support the Ghana Gas Company."


    Source: http://www.defenceweb.co.za/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=40922:ghana-air-force-receives-z-9-helicopters&catid=124:military-helicopters&Itemid=282

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Tue Nov 17, 2015 1:42 pm

    NATO Turkey cancels $3.4bn HQ 9 missile deal with China




    So much politics pwnd


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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  George1 on Tue Dec 29, 2015 12:29 am

    The first pilots of aircraft L-15 for Zambia Air Force







    http://bmpd.livejournal.com/1651945.html


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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Mon Jan 04, 2016 6:28 am

    South Sudan army admits acquisition of surface-to-air missiles FN-6

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Wed Feb 03, 2016 8:24 pm

    Why Turkey Chose, and Then Rejected, a Chinese Air-Defense Missile


    Then Turkey announced its intention to buy a Chinese missile system in 2013, many in the West believed Ankara was veering away from NATO. But look at that decision—and its recent reversal— through Turkish eyes, and the situation looks a lot different. Ultimately, the episode should teach its Western allies about what Turkey really wants, and doesn’t want.

    Ankara’s $3.4 billion program to construct the country’s first long-range air and anti-missile defense system veered into controversy when it chose a Chinese state-owned company—the China Precision Machinery Import-Export Corporation—as the preferred bidder for its long-range air and missile defense system contract. China’s surprise victory over American (Patriot PAC-3), European (SAMP/T Aster 30), and Russian (S-400) competition led U.S. and NATO officials to voice concerns about security and the compatibility of the weaponry with NATO systems.

    The Chinese deal seemed to be just one more indication of fraying relations between Turkey and the West. Writing in Foreign Affairs, Michael J. Koplow added it to a long list of “Turkish provocations” from voting against Iran sanctions to flinching at hosting NATO X-Band radar installations in its territory to refusing to normalize ties with Israel and complicating U.S. intelligence-sharing efforts to supporting “anti-Western jihadi groups” in Syria, HAMAS at the expense of Fatah in Palestine, and the Kurdistan Regional Government as a wholly independent entity from Baghdad in Iraq.

    The missile-defense decision, however, was particularly worrisome to Turkey’s Western allies. As Koplow wrote, such a deal “meant that Turkey was not only flouting the sanctions regime that the U.S. had painstakingly constructed but also that Turkey was purchasing a system that could not be integrated into the larger NATO missile defense shield.”

    In reality, Ankara had neither the intention nor the capacity for such a dramatic departure from NATO’s defense infrastructure. All along, Turkish officials had planned to leverage its purchasing power to gain the know-how to develop its own long-range missile system and to expand the indigenous capabilities.

    Indeed, Turkey had been forthright about these intentions. It repeatedly pointed that the Chinese were offering a lower price, favorable technology transfer conditions, and early delivery on the first batch of batteries. “If Turkey opts for direct purchase of the system then it will be obliged to make new off-the-shelf purchases 15 or 20 years later. We will not settle for this. Our target is to gain national technological capability in the missile project,” Turkey’s chief arms procurer, Ismail Demir, said at the IDEF defense industry fair last May.

    And while the move astounded its transatlantic allies, it cohered perfectly with Turkey’s broader defense industrial strategy. Earlier this year, Turkish President R. Tayyip Erdogan had said that “the “plan is to completely eliminate external dependency on defence equipment supply with ongoing plans and investments until 2023 [and start developing] unique designs.” The country is already investing heavily in a number of indigenous land and missile systems from the Altay main battle tank to the MILGEM littoral combat warship to the fifth-generation TFX fighter jet, as well as several co-production projects like a localized variant of the Sikorsky S-70 Black Hawk helicopter.


    Ankara was convinced that its long-range missile defense tender was going to be smooth sailing. The deteriorating security situation in Syria and Iraq was a well-founded rationale for Turkey to expand its air-defense capabilities. Turkey’s defense industry was an offshoot of its alliance with NATO and it remained deeply ingrained into the transatlantic defense-industrial complex. The Western competitors in the tender already had longstanding partnerships with their Turkish counterparts. Lockheed Martin was the main contractor in Turkey’s largest coproduction project—the $7.4 billion F-16 Peace Onyx program—through a joint venture with the Turkish government. Raytheon had a similar co-production arrangement with the state-owned Roketsan under the Euro-Stinger program, Aselsan, which was tapped to be one of the leading local partners in the long-range missile defense project, was a global vendor to Raytheon’s Patriot program and co-producing Rapier surface-to-air missiles with MBDA. Therefore, Ankara was expecting that its Western allies would easily sign on. Instead, things devolved into an intraalliance crisis.

    In fairness, Ankara did not give Beijing an easy time in their negotations. Every time there appeared a window of opportunity for some agreement between Turkey and the West, however, regional developments got in the way. In September 2014, the talks with China faltered—over technology transfer conditions—and Ankara reopened talks with the runner-up, Eurosam. Right around the same time, Washington decided to provide military and humanitarian aid to Kobani to help the Kurds push the ISIS’s offensive back. Last summer, the talks with the Chinese were stalemated once again, but a second ISIS offensive on Kobani left Turkey and the West quibbling over the appropriate response. With coalition support, Kurdish forces to recaptured Kobani on July 19. Ten days later, Erdogan gave new momentum to the missile talks by reiterating his support for the Chinese offer during his visit to Beijing. And on August 15, the U.S. countered by withdrawing its Patriot batteries stationed on Turkey’s Syrian border.

    What wedged Turkey apart from its Western allies was not price or performance—it was the double standards Ankara perceived in how the allies were handling Turkey’s legitimate interests. In the griping of its allies over what it believed were feasible and legitimate demands, Ankara heard an undertone that it has grown tired of: Turkey can guard the camp, but not be allowed to sit in the tent. And where Ankara perceived a slight, its Western allies saw an erstwhile partner that has since become the bête noire of the transatlantic alliance. Had the West not stuck to this perception and took the time to look through Turkey’s eyes, it would have been possible to find the space for a middle-ground compromise. Instead, both Turkey and its Western allies got lost in translation.

    What Turkey needed was a dignified exit from its commitment to the Chinese offer and the assurance that its Western allies are not oblivious to its legitimate concerns. In this regard, it is not a coincidence that Turkey’s recent reversal came on the heels of the G20 Summit. The Paris attacks, which came right before the summit, increased intra-alliance solidarity and led NATO to rethink its posture in the Middle East. This shift also increased the premium placed on Turkey’s continued support. Ankara’s bargaining position improved and the coalition’s grand strategy came into better alignment with its security interests.

    Turkey had neither the intention nor the capacity to go rogue on NATO. To expect a country that relies on NATO for more than half of its radar data to invest billions in a missile defense system that is not compatible with this infrastructure was not sensible. Ankara sees itself as one of NATO’s more critical members. It believes that as NATO’s easternmost member, it is pulling more weight than most others. What it wanted was not to leave the table but to get a better seat at the table.

    Now, with its allies sorely needing its support and better heeding its grievances, Ankara’s quest for affirmation as an equal partner in the transatlantic alliance diminished and the motivations that led to its deal with the Chinese withered. Had the West offered Ankara the affirmation it needed before—in the form of better technology transfer conditions, a Foreign Military Sales agreement, a side deal or even just a pat in the back—this rapport could have been achieved years ago.

    The controversy over the Chinese missile deal is a cautionary tale on how NATO should engage with Turkey. The remedy to the West’s fears over Turkey is to pull it towards the West, not to push it further away by failing to heed its legitimate political, economic and security interests, and throw tantrums when it seeks to assert those interests on its own. A robust alliance cannot be premised on bringing an ally around to another’s policies kicking and screaming. Such an approach only entrenches Turkey’s perception of exclusion and double standards, and pushes it away from the moral and political axis of the Atlantic Alliance.


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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Mon Feb 22, 2016 10:48 pm

    A fast growing club: Countries that use drones for killing by remote control


    The targeting crosshairs are focused on a dark building, tucked in the trees, when a missile dropped from the wings streaks down and the suspected terrorist base explodes in a fireball.

    The grainy video might appear to be another U.S. drone strike, but this was a Nigerian military crew operating a Chinese-built Rainbow drone against Boko Haram, an extremist militia allied with Islamic State, in northeastern Nigeria's remote Sambisa Forest on Feb. 2.

    Nigeria thus joined the small but fast-growing club of countries — six so far, including three since September — using armed drones for targeted killing by remote control.

    The United States and Britain fly U.S.-made armed MQ-1 Predators or MQ-9 Reapers, and Israel builds its own. But the three newcomers — Nigeria, Pakistan and Iraq — all took advantage of China's growing exports of the unmanned aircraft systems that are reshaping modern warfare.

    That worries some military analysts, who see China as undermining U.S. attempts to control a technology that gives poorer countries a relatively inexpensive bombing system that, critics say, lowers the threshold for using lethal force at a distance.

    The "efforts to control the spread of drones will be relatively meaningless in the face of China's relative promiscuity when it comes to selling drones," said Sarah Kreps, a Cornell University professor who studies weapons proliferation. "China's drones seem especially attractive to countries that have … been rebuffed by the U.S."

    China is "engaged in an ambitious effort" to sell drones in Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia, said Ian Easton, a research fellow at the Project 2049 Institute, which is based in Arlington, Va., and tracks security issues in Asia.

    A total of 78 countries now deploy surveillance drones. More than 20, including the six named above, either have or are developing armed drones, according to the New America Foundation, a nonprofit public policy institute in Washington that tracks the industry.

    Some nations, including Russia and Iran, designed and built their own missile-firing drone fleets. Others, including India and Jordan, reportedly bought theirs from Israel.

    "It is a good illustration of how this technology has gone global," said Peter W. Singer, a fellow at New America and author of "Wired for War," a book on robotic warfare. "What was recently considered abnormal is the new normal of technology and war."

    All the major forces in Syria's civil war now use drones, for example. Syrian President Bashar Assad's forces, Russia, Iran and Islamic State militants all have flown unmanned aircraft the size of large model planes to reconnoiter targets, while the U.S. and Britain have operated giant Reaper surveillance and killer drones.

    The U.S. is by far the most prolific user of drones. Independent groups say more than 500 U.S. military and CIA drone strikes have killed about 3,800 militants, about 400 civilians, and at least eight Americans, in seven countries over the last decade.

    Most U.S. military drone exports are limited by the Missile Technology Control Regime, a 1987 international accord meant to limit the spread of ballistic missiles.

    The State Department agreed in February 2015 to relax those Cold War-era restrictions, although with a "strong presumption of denial." Each sale requires congressional approval under the foreign military sales program, and only two foreign sales have gone through in recent months.

    On Feb. 17, approval was granted to sell four unarmed Reapers, each equipped with sophisticated sensors and radars, to Spain. In November, the U.S. approved Italy's long-pending request to arm its two Reaper drones with Hellfire missiles and laser-guided bombs.

    David McKeeby, a spokesman for the State Department's bureau of political and military affairs, said the U.S. policy is to try to ensure future sales aren't high risk.

    "Moving forward, the United States intends to work with foreign partners to develop international standards for the sale, transfer and use of military [drones] more broadly," he said.

    The issue is closely watched in Southern California. Northrop Grumman Corp. and Lockheed Martin Corp. assemble surveillance drones in Palmdale, while General Atomics Aeronautical Systems Inc. builds Predator and Reaper drones in Poway.

    China Aerospace Science and Technology Corp., a state-owned entity, has found a ready market for its medium-altitude, long-distance drones since 2011, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, a nonpartisan think tank in Sweden that documents the global arms trade.

    China has sold at least five armed CH-3 drones to Nigeria, four to Iraq and an unknown number of larger CH-4 drones to Pakistan, the institute says. The CH stands for caihong, or rainbow.

    The CH-3 is a stubby-looking plane with a 26-foot wingspan and a propeller in the back. The CH-4 appears to be a copy of the American-made Reaper, with a bulbous nose, a 60-foot wingspan and a V tail fin.

    "There is increasing demand around the world for this technology and China is seizing on it," Pieter Wezeman, a researcher at the Stockholm institute, said in a telephone interview. "China does not have political restraints to sell arms. So when they see an opportunity, they will take it."

    The proliferation became obvious last year.

    On Sept. 6, Pakistani military spokesman Gen. Asim Bajwa announced on Twitter that the army had launched its first drone strike to kill three "high-profile terrorists" in North Waziristan, a tribal area in northwestern Pakistan.

    Bajwa said the attack involved a Pakistani-made Burraq aircraft, named after the winged horse that Muslims say transported the prophet Muhammad from Mecca. But U.S. defense analysts say it was a CH-3 from China.

    Three months later, on Dec. 6, the Iraqi military announced that it had used a Chinese CH-4 drone during the offensive to retake the city of Ramadi from Islamic State militants.

    The first sign of Nigeria's CH-3 drone fleet emerged in January last year when one crashed, and photos of the debris appeared online. The next was this month's airstrike against the Boko Haram camp in the forest.

    The Pentagon expressed no qualms about that attack.

    "We are not concerned about [Nigerian government forces] having this technology," said Lt. Cmdr. Anthony Falvo, spokesman for U.S. Africa Command, "as long as it is applied in a responsible manner and solely in an effort to better secure their borders against violent or illegal activities that disrupt stability or present a danger to their overall security."

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Mon Feb 22, 2016 11:07 pm

    China third largest weapons exporter,weapons exports surge over past five years


    China has almost doubled its weapons exports in the past five years, a military think tank said on Monday, as the world's third-largest weapons exporter pours capital into developing an advanced arms manufacturing industry.

    In 2011 to 2015, China's arms imports fell 25 percent compared with the previous five year period, signaling a growing confidence in the country's homegrown weaponry despite key areas of weakness, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) said in a report on global arms transfers.

    Chinese exports of major arms, which excludes most light weaponry, grew by 88 percent in 2011-2015 compared to the earlier five-year timeframe, SIPRI said.

    The country still accounted for only 5.9 percent of global arms exports from 2011-2015, well beind the United States and Russia, by far the world's two largest arms exporters.

    "The Chinese until ten years ago were only able to offer low tech equipment. That has changed," said Siemon Wezeman, Senior Researcher with the SIPRI Arms and Military Expenditure Programme. "The equipment that they produce is much more highly advanced than ten years ago, and attracts interest from some of the bigger markets."

    China has invested billions developing its homegrown weapons industry to support its growing maritime ambitions in the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean, and also with an eye toward foreign markets for its comparatively low cost technology. Its total military budget in 2015 was 886.9 billion yuan ($141.45 billion), up 10 percent from a year earlier.

    The U.S. and Russia saw weapons exports grow by 27 percent and 28 percent respectively, while exports of major arms by France and Germany, the fourth and fifth largest weapons exporters, fell over the same period.

    Most of China's arms sales went to countries in Asia and Oceania, the report found, with Pakistan accounting for 35 percent, followed by Bangladesh and Myanmar.

    Pakistan is a key Chinese ally, and close military ties between the two countries has sometimes stoked tensions with neighbouring India, which is seeking to boost its own homegrown weapons industry.

    China still needs to import weapons including large transport aircraft, helicopters as well as engines for aircraft, vehicles and ships, according to the report.

    China, the world's second largest economy, signed deals in 2015 to buy air defence systems and two dozen combat jets from Russia, its largest arms supplier.

    Unlike India, which has failed to produce “competitive indigenously designed weapons”, China has become increasingly capable of producing advanced hardware, the report said. China imported 25% less arms between 2006-10 and 2011-15.

    “While in the early-2000s China was by far the largest importer, it dropped to third place in 2011-15,” the report said.

    China’s increase in exports has allowed Beijing’s arms industry to finance faster development of domestic weapons, and the same study showed China’s imports have fallen by 25 per cent over the same period exports have surged. It was still the third-largest importer of weapons globally in the past five years, accounting for 4.7 per cent, mainly from Russia, said Sipri.

    Beijing’s rapid military expansion has sparked security fears around the Asia-Pacific region, particularly in response to China’s muscular defence of its maritime claims in the South China Sea. India was the world’s largest importer during the 2011-2015 period, accounting for 14 per cent of global arms imports, and China’s other neighbours have also begun to beef up their arsenals.

    Vietnam, for example, which faces an increasingly intractable confrontation with China over South China Sea Islands, saw arms imports rise by a massive 699 per cent to hit 2.9 per cent of global imports, according to Sipri.

    Six of the 10 biggest arms importers in the five-year period were in Asia and Oceania, Sipri said. In addition to India, China and Vietnam, Australia accounted for 3.6 per cent, Pakistan for 3.3 per cent and South Korea for 2.6 per cent.

    Last year Sipri announced China had boosted exports of military weapons and equipment by 143 per cent over the previous five years to usurp Germany as the world’s third-largest arms trader.




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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Sun Apr 24, 2016 1:48 am

    Delivery of Nigeria's Chinese-built OPV delayed

    Nigeria's NTA News channel has confirmed that the delivery of the second P18N offshore patrol vessel (OPV) that was built for the West African country in China has been delayed.

    It broadcast footage on 17 April showing Defence Minister Mansur Mohammed Dan Ali meeting the management of the China Shipbuilding Industry Corporation (CSIC) during a visit to Beijing and said he intended "to resolve the issue with the second offshore patrol vessel they are building for Nigeria and agree on a timeline of delivery".

    When the first OPV, NNS Centenary , arrived in Nigeria in February 2015, the then chief of the navy staff said the second, Unity , would arrive later that year.

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  GarryB on Mon Apr 25, 2016 6:43 am

    That worries some military analysts, who see China as undermining U.S. attempts to control a technology that gives poorer countries a relatively inexpensive bombing system that, critics say, lowers the threshold for using lethal force at a distance.

    Hahahaha... America invents a new way to kill people without trial... guilty or innocent... remember their snipers in Afghanistan put ammo and electronics components in the street and then shot anyone who picked those items up because they must be terrorists... with that sort of reasoning how can we even consider the way they select targets for their unmanned drones to be moral let alone legal...

    But now that they have used this new capability to murder almost 4,000 people... note more than were killed in 11/9 BTW, they are now worried because someone might misuse the technology!!!!

    Twisted Evil Twisted Evil

    All you really need is for US drug gangs to go to the local model shop and buy a model Mustang and put a steel bar a couple of cms thick down the centreline maybe 2-3m long and have that flying near their drug operations... any police helicopter could be taken down by flying the Mustang into its main rotor... Of course they could afford a few kgs of HE so it could be flown into any black van with tinted windows near their hideouts... pre emptive self defence?

    Why shouldn't China produce what the people want?


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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  GarryB on Tue Jun 07, 2016 12:17 pm

    Wonder why they call this air aircraft a heavy lift aircraft and compare it with the Galaxy and An-225 when its max payload weight and range performance make it rather more comparable to the Il-476 and C-17 Medium transports...


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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  Militarov on Tue Jun 07, 2016 3:57 pm

    GarryB wrote:Wonder why they call this air aircraft a heavy lift aircraft and compare it with the Galaxy and An-225 when its max payload weight and range performance make it rather more comparable to the Il-476 and C-17 Medium transports...

    "China will also develop transport jets that are even larger than the Y-20 and comparable to the Lockheed C-5 Galaxy from the United States and the Antonov An-225 Mriya, " - I belive they tried to say that they WILL develop aircraft comparable to C-5 and Antonov 225 in future, rather than comparing it to them.

    Well IL-76 and C-17 basically are both strategic heavy lifters, just medium ones.

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  GarryB on Wed Jun 08, 2016 11:00 am

    The Il-476 and C-17 are medium strategic transports, because aircraft in lower weight classes are only nominally strategic with any sort of comparable payload... the An-70 and and that euro bit of crap would be medium short range transports and light strategic transports.

    The Il476 and C-17 and C-141 are only heavy short range transports, medium strategic transports.


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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Thu Jun 16, 2016 9:17 pm

    China to Produce Home-Made Jets But Continue to ‘Rely on Russian Il-76’

    The mass production of Y-20 heavy military transport aircraft is set to begin as early as this year. According to Chinese media, the aircraft will also join the military forces around the same time.

    According to the publications of Chinese military experts, the PLA may require no less than 100 heavy military transport aircraft for the global mobility of its armed forces, conducting evacuation of its citizens from unstable parts of the world and other tasks related to security.

    “China's ability to independently build a strong strategic military transport aircraft will be demonstrated by the speed with which they can produce all their new aircraft,” military expert Vasily Kashin told Sputnik.

    In addition, another 50-60 vehicles will be needed for production of tanker planes, AWACS aircraft, aircraft for the electronic intelligence and electronic warfare.

    Until now, the largest mass-produced aircraft in China was the Y-8. Its production began in 1981 and by 2010, 169 of these giants were put together. The average production rate was thus 5-6 aircraft per year, but in fact, it was much lower in the early years.

    In general, the production potential of the Chinese industry for the production of large aircraft was relatively small.

    China is now preparing to simultaneously launch three completely new models of large aircraft, i.e. passenger aircraft C919, Y-20 and Xiolung into production. At the same time it plans to continue the production of medium-sized transport aircraft Y-8 / Y-9, as well as long-range bombers H-6K.

    It must be kept in mind that the production of new aircraft is time consuming and the training of personnel that will work to manufacture these aircraft is a difficult task.

    Such a rapid build-up of the number of employees can lead lower quality training and as a result, could reduce the quality of the final product. It is possible that in the first years we will see the rate of production come up to 2-4 machines per year.

    According to the military expert this would mean that even when China will be ready to start mass production of its own aircraft, “It may be forced to rely on importing Russian Il-76 heavy transport aircraft.”

    “Requirements for heavy transport aircraft in the PLA can grow faster than the production capacity of the Chinese industry,” Kashin said.

    The Chinese Army is increasing its participation in UN peacekeeping operations on other continents. China has its first foreign military base in Djibouti and it is likely to be followed by others.

    The Chinese government takes protection of its citizens abroad very seriously and conducts all sorts of complex operations to evacuate its nationals from conflict zones.

    Thus, heavy military transport aircraft continues to be a promising area of Russian-Chinese cooperation.

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Sun Jul 03, 2016 9:28 pm

    Thai Navy Gains Approval to Buy Three Chinese-Built, Yuan-Class Submarines


    Thai Deputy Premier Prawit Wongsuwan confirmed on Friday that Thailand will buy three Chinese-built submarines for a combined price of one billion U.S. dollars.

    The Thai navy's proposal to procure the three Yuan-class S26T subs from China has been put on hold since last year by the deputy premier who is concurrently defense minister.

    Now that Gen Prawit has given his nod, the navy will use its fiscal 2017 budget amounting to some 333 million U.S. dollars to buy the first Chinese sub next year with the two others to follow over the next few years.

    The deputy premier said the navy will only pay for the Chinese subs on instalment basis which will span a ten-year's time from next year.

    The Yuan-class S26T sub is a derivative, export version of the Yuan-class 039A sub deployed by the Chinese navy and is fitted with an air-independent propulsion as an auxiliary system to a regular diesel-electric power.

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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  max steel on Thu Jul 07, 2016 9:12 pm

    China’s Growing Arms Sales to Latin America


    Over the last decade, China has made remarkable inroads into the Latin American arms market. From almost zero in 2005 to over USD 130 million in 2014, China has carefully and systematically emerged as a major arms supplier to countries of the region and has shifted from a donor of logistics and medical equipment to a significant supplier of weapons and weapons systems.

    Traditionally, Latin American nations have opted for arms based on the ideology of their ruling regimes. Countries such as Nicaragua and Cuba were firmly in the Soviet camp while Peru flirted with socialism; this resulted in an influx of Soviet bloc arms such as various MiGs, Sukhoi Su-22s, T-series tanks and Soviet SAMs into these countries. The rest of the region was firmly in the Western camp as far as arms sales were concerned, and their armed forces were equipped with French combat aircraft, British ships and American transports and ageing tanks. When the Cold War ended, Russia made some inroads into the region with increased sales to Peru and minor sales to Uruguay, but America continued to dominate, with a brisk trade in foreign-used arms such as tanks and combat aircraft. Mention must also be made of the reasonably capable arms industries in countries like Brazil, Colombia, Peru and Chile, and Argentina retaining considerable industrial prowess despite its economic woes.

    China’s foray into the region’s military market was initially in the form of non-lethal aid: uniforms, medical supplies, hospital equipment, engineering equipment and an extensive package of training at Chinese military academies for staff officers. This was combined with visits by a Chinese hospital ship Peace Ark in 2011 in a successful exercise of Beijing’s soft power.

    The impact of these initiatives, in particular the training at Chinese academies, should not be underestimated as several officers who attended such schools have attained positions of some power and influence in their respective countries. This has also been synchronised with China’s expanding economic footprint in the region. Its trade with the region rose to USD 289 billion in 2013 from only 12 billion in 2000 and it has also offered to invest over 250 billion.

    China’s breakthrough came when Venezuela’s then President Hugo Chavez, in his quest to diversify arms supplies given a somewhat uneasy relationship with the United States, turned to Russia for Su-30MKV fighters and to China for K-8 trainers and air search radars in 2008. Subsequently, the Chavez, and later Maduro, regimes made extensive purchases from China, including transport aircraft, self-propelled artillery and armoured personnel carriers, some of which were deployed to crush protesters in 2014.5 The Maduro Government has indicated that it wishes to purchase more Chinese arms, but the Venezuelan economic collapse may impact upon these plans.

    The next big success for China came in 2009 when a somewhat petulant act by a US government irritated with the left-leaning Evo Morales of Bolivia pressured the Czech Republic to cancel the sale of L-159 light attack/ trainers which make extensive use of American technology. Following the cancellation of the deal, Bolivia, aided by a loan from China, purchased six K-8 aircraft. Subsequent Bolivian purchases include six Z-9 helicopters.

    The Bolivian deal highlights one of the factors for China’s success – American pressure on potential Western suppliers. In addition, the US has been unwilling to transfer state-of-the-art hardware to Latin America, with only Chile and (two decades before Chavez came to office) Venezuela operating F-16s and no other modern US combat aircraft serving in the region. In fact, outside of the Chilean F-16 and some infantry equipment, Latin American militaries are equipped with an arsenal of ageing hardware in need of replacement.

    China’s willingness to supply modern equipment at highly competitive prices makes purchases from it very attractive. China has also been willing to sell to states considered to be pariahs by the United States and its allies – such as Venezuela and Bolivia – and it is willing to offer financing packages as an additional incentive. It is this combination of political determination to penetrate the market, an “agnostic” approach to regimes, a readiness to supply the entire plethora of hardware with few restrictions and the use of China’s financial institutions to facilitate the purchase of military hardware that make China a formidable presence in the region.

    China has not been averse to using its influence to subvert normal tendering and procurement processes, relying on courting leaders to secure arms deals. In two instances – Trinidad & Tobago and Argentina – deals were secured in large part because of personal connections with the respective leaders of those two countries. In the case of Trinidad & Tobago, the then Prime Minister, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, committed to the purchase of a 79m offshore patrol vessel (albeit now called a Long Range Vessel – LRV – and completely unarmed) in a deal that was widely criticized, coming on the heels of a messy arbitration against BAES over the cancellation of a deal for 3 OPVs of superior quality and being concluded in the absence of any naval experts and without any evaluation. The purchase of this vessel was apparently tied to a loan of USD 5 billion being offered by China to Trinidad. While the vessel, now designated CG 60 – Nelson 2, has been delivered, payment issues are yet to be resolved as a new government has chosen to re-examine the deal. Similarly, the Chinese company Huawei was awarded a contract to build a national command centre without going through the stipulated tender process.

    Argentina’s cooperation with China blossomed under the leadership of then President Christine Fernandez de Kirchner, while that with the United States declined. In 2014, a comprehensive strategic partnership with China was announced and in 2015 President Fernandez de Kirchner pledged to purchase 110 VN-1 8×8 armoured personnel carriers, five 1,800-ton P-18A Malvinas-class OPVs, and 14 Chengdu Aircraft Corporation (CAC) FC-1/JF-17 Thunder multi-role fighters. If pursued, this deal would be the largest Chinese arms deal ever in Latin America. But with a new government in power in Buenos Aires, it remains to be seen whether the plans of the previous government will come to fruition especially since the centre-right government of Mauricio Macri may seek to pull Argentina’s foreign policy away from alignment with Russia, China and the ALBA alliance. These two examples highlight the potential drawbacks of finalizing arms deals through personal relationships as a change of government could jeopardize such arrangements.

    While it is certainly true that China has not always had its own way with defence deals in Latin America – with Peru and Ecuador cancelling planned purchases – it is nonetheless true that China’s inroads into the region have been remarkable. This has serious implications for the region and for those seeking to limit or at least moderate Chinese influence in the region. Concern and focus has been placed on China’s trade, investment and other economic activity in Latin America. But, to date, little assessment has been made on the impact of China’s military sales to the region with respect to the building of influence and the subtle forging of alliances that could inevitably follow.

    It is of interest to note that the United States, once the dominant influence over the armed forces of the region, is now in danger of losing that position to China and has already lost it in countries like Bolivia and Venezuela. Of further interest is that countries such as South Korea are also making inroads into the Latin American region with joint-ventures with Colombian and Peruvian companies for building patrol vessels and has exported trainer aircraft to Peru and anti-ship missiles to Colombia. As American influence wanes, will South Korea emerge as a rival to China in the region?

    George1
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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  George1 on Mon Aug 01, 2016 3:03 pm

    Bolivia has received Chinese armored Tiger







    http://bmpd.livejournal.com/2048890.html


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    George1
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    Re: China Arms Exports

    Post  George1 on Mon Oct 31, 2016 2:29 pm

    Bahrain received Chinese multiple rocket launchers SR5



    http://bmpd.livejournal.com/2218911.html


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